Leiden University logo.

nl en

Blog Post | A new chapter in Dutch subnational diplomacy?

By Pieter Jeroense

In May 2026, Femke Halsema, the mayor of Amsterdam, became the first President of the Pact of Free Cities, a global network of mayors determined to stand up for progressive values and fight against nationalistic populism.[1] Halsema was one of the Dutch mayors who showed solidarity with Gergely Karácsony last summer, when the mayor of Budapest came under fire for allowing Budapest Pride to go ahead. Despite the national government having originally banned the event, Halsema marched alongside a defiant Karácsony.[2] Later that year, the mayor of Utrecht, Sharon Dijksma, equally expressed solidarity with a mayor abroad, joining colleagues from Barcelona, Athens, and Paris in calling for the release of Ekrem Imamoglu, the mayor of Istanbul.[3] Dijksma, who is President of the Association of Netherlands Municipalities (VNG), also visited Ukraine and the West Bank to express her solidarity.[4]  

These examples show that in recent years, something has shifted in how Dutch mayors and municipalities present themselves on the international stage. Over the past thirty years, subnational diplomacy in the Netherlands has been driven almost exclusively by economic motives and strategies. Dutch municipalities have mainly exploited international activities to strengthen their local and regional economies. They did so by attracting international companies to their region. In Brussels, they share knowledge with other cities through informal networks and seek access to European funds. And in Euregions they aim to strengthen the regional economy by improving their cross-border cooperation.[5] Their subnational diplomacy, in Kihlgren Grandi's terms, has been more interest-driven than value-driven.[6]

Because of their focus on their business climate and economic objectives, Dutch municipalities have rarely come into disagreements or conflict with the national government. The Netherlands is a decentralised unitary state where foreign affairs are the exclusive responsibility of the central government. But Dutch municipalities have always had a degree of freedom to act on the international stage - made possible by the Dutch municipal law – as long as they act within the national framework. And the Dutch municipalities are aware of that. Local authorities operate within the framework set by the national government; moreover, they mainly participate in international affairs coordinated by the national government.

And yet, it appears that something is changing because of recent geopolitical developments. These developments are forcing Dutch cities to take positions that transcend their own interests. Like the cases of Amsterdam and Utrecht show, Dutch mayors are taking the lead in what appears to be the beginning of a new chapter in Dutch subnational diplomacy. And this is not limited only to the mayors of larger cities, as the following three examples show.

Firstly, the war in Ukraine has led to new forms of solidarity with local communities in Ukraine that go beyond mere regional or economic incentives. All 342 Dutch municipalities have collectively taken in around 100,000 Ukrainian refugees. Various local authorities offered support in the form of money, goods, projects, or partnerships with Ukrainian cities. It showcases a high degree of consensus in the response to the war and the support for Ukraine. The reception and integration of refugees from Ukraine are proceeding relatively smoothly compared with those of asylum seekers from other countries. During her visit to her counterpart in Kyiv, the mayor of Utrecht, Sharon Dijksma, spoke of “the unconditional solidarity of Utrecht and all Dutch municipalities with our Ukrainian partners.”[7]

Secondly, the war in Gaza has sparked unrest and debate in various Dutch local councils. In these debates, political groups are, for example, calling on their Municipal Executives to speak out against the Israeli attacks. In a speech to the Amsterdam City Council, Halsema urged the national government to call the Israeli government to order and to enforce peace.[8] In the municipality of Rotterdam, political groups found themselves at odds when several parties tabled a motion against anti-Semitism in the city. Some members of the council walked away, emotions running high.[9] Elsewhere, a debate on the situation in Gaza led to disturbances caused by demonstrators present at the Utrecht City Council.[10] This situation is highly exceptional in the Dutch political context. The last time international developments led to tensions within local authorities and between local authorities and the national government was in the 1980s, during discussions about the possible deployment of nuclear missiles in the Netherlands and during the struggle against Apartheid in South Africa.[11]

Thirdly, the challenges Dutch municipalities face with their twinning relation with Chinese municipalities are another example of the impact of geopolitical developments on the international positioning of cities and regions. From the 1990s onwards, an increasing number of Dutch municipalities and provinces entered bilateral relationships with Chinese sister cities. This enthusiasm fits into an era in which subnational diplomacy was focused on strengthening economic ties. In the 2020s, this enthusiasm gave way to doubts.[12] China is one of the Netherlands’ most important trading partners and, as such, the national government allows scope for these economic relations. At the same time, in briefings to local authorities, the national government warns of the dangers to (digital) security and espionage. Several municipalities, often under pressure from their local councils, terminated their bilateral relationships due to human rights concerns in China. The stance of the national government did little to allay these doubts; indeed, it led to further uncertainty and unease.[13]

As the examples in this blog show, recent geopolitical developments are affecting the international affairs of Dutch municipalities. And more and more mayors of Dutch cities are choosing to take an active role in this kind of debate. By visiting their colleagues in Istanbul and Budapest, by taking a stance in the debate over the war in Gaza, and by supporting municipalities in Ukraine, whether financially or through cross-border projects. Their international engagement is growing, and they are becoming increasingly self-assured. They share and express these views within the numerous international networks of cities with mayors from other global cities, such as the U20, the C40, the UCLG, or Eurocities – to name just a few.[14]

By focusing on human rights, migration, freedom, democracy, and solidarity, municipalities are taking a step forward and charting a new, more value-driven course that may well mark a new chapter in Dutch subnational diplomacy. As Halsema stated in her Gaza speech: “Foreign policy is the domain of the Dutch Government. The city of Amsterdam should exercise some restraint in this. However, Amsterdam is also an international city that stands up for freedom and human rights.”[15] On the world stage, Dutch mayors will have to balance between their local autonomy on the one hand and their national framework on the other. It will be interesting to observe in the coming years what the consequences will be for relations between local and national government, and whether they will affect the national government’s attitude towards the international activities of Dutch municipalities.[16]

Pieter Jeroense is director of VNG International, the international development cooperation of the Association of Netherlands Municipalities. He has a PhD in Public Administration (Leiden University). His dissertation is about the subnational diplomacy in the Netherlands.

[1] https://www.amsterdam.nl/bestuur-organisatie/college/burgemeester/persberichten/burgemeester-halsema-gekozen-eerste/ and https://www.pactoffreecities.com/articles/transatlatic_expansion_at_the_pact_of_free_cities_bratislava_summit

[5] Jeroense, P.W. Gemeenten in de wereld. Het internationale beleid van Nederlandse gemeenten. (Den Haag: Boom, 2025).

[6] Kihlgren Grandi, L. City Diplomacy. (Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020).

[12] Jeroense, P.W. Gemeenten in de wereld. Het internationale beleid van Nederlandse gemeenten. (Den Haag: Boom, 2025).

 

[13] For example: https://www.binnenlandsbestuur.nl/bestuur-en-organisatie/schuldhulp-en-armoedebeleid/gemeenten-en-provincies-verbreken-relaties-met-china. Two municipalities that have had their twinning with Chines cities evaluated are Arnhem (Beleid internationale betrekkingen. Januari 2021, https://arnhem.bestuurlijkeinformatie.nl)  and ‘s Hertogenbosch (https://s-hertogenbosch.raadsinformatie.nl/ Document: 14995603)

[14] In Europe alone, Platform31 identified more than 70 such informal networks in which local authorities exchange knowledge and promote their interests. https://www.platform31.nl/wp-content/uploads/2025/09/P31-Netwerkkaart-Europa-2025_Platform31.pdf

[16] In their City Report on Amsterdam, Ikpia and Nijman (2025) demonstrate that tensions between local and international policy are evident within the City of Amsterdam, for example in relation to the issues of migration and drug policy reform. https://www.urbanintlaw.com/post/new-city-report-amsterdam

This website uses cookies.  More information.