Astrid Schnitzer-Skjønsberg

Abstract

The People’s Republic of China has the world’s largest diplomatic network with a total of 274 missions. Yet little is known about how Chinese diplomats engage in bilateral diplomatic communities. The often-alleged reserve of Chinese diplomats towards their diplomatic peers is particularly curious. This article adds two case studies to our understanding of China’s frontline diplomacy. Based on semi-structured interviews and observation, the article explores in-person interactions between Chinese and foreign diplomats in two European capitals. It finds remarkably different degrees of social engagement in Ankara and Oslo. I therefore propose the term ‘managed visibility’ as a carefully implemented practice driven by contextual bilateral factors. My findings suggest that (i) the diplomatic repertoire of Chinese diplomats is larger and more adaptive than generally assumed; (ii) the practices of Chinese diplomats profoundly influence foreign diplomats’ perceptions of China; and (iii) sociable interactions among diplomats are becoming increasingly securitized.

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Minglei Wang

Abstract

China Cultural Centres (CCC s) are cultural promotion organisations established outside the People’s Republic of China by its Ministry of Culture and Tourism. By 2023, there were 48 centres set up globally. So far, few attempts have been made to explain how CCC s work. Using media reports and policy documents, this article maps out CCC s’ working modes, namely, global coordination, partnership with Chinese provincial- level governments and collaboration with local partners. Drawing on the case of the CCC in Sydney and interviews in Australia, it highlights characteristics and implications of CCC s’ programming. It shows that CCC s’ operation demonstrates a mix of Chinese and international perspectives on cultural diplomacy, providing a nuanced understanding of China’s overseas cultural endeavours. Based on the Australian case, it further argues that events under the first two working modes generate little impact in local society, whereas collaboration with local partners leads to demonstrable benefits.

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Hermann Aubié, Lauri Paltemaa, and Tommi Sookari

Abstract

This article investigates the determinants underlying the Chinese Covid-19 global humanitarian aid campaign in 2020 by statistical analysis on a novel author-made dataset that tracks Chinese aid across the globe in 2020. The results show that many existing Chinese humanitarian aid practices first followed a policy of near universalism of aid, but then resumed more traditional forms of Chinese humanitarian aid targeting the Global South on a bilateral basis in the latter half of the campaign. Aid was allocated based on mixed motives that included humanitarian calculations, but also a more short-term diplomatic calculus typical of disaster diplomacy and other non-humanitarian factors. Chinese humanitarian aid needs to be considered as an important public diplomacy tool as it can be used to reward closer partnerships with China and penalise their absence.

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Yavor A Kostadinov and W Emily Chow

Abstract

Digital media facilitate global reach and empower individuals as cultural influencers. Taiwanese youth ambassadors (YA s) can tell Taiwan’s story online to boost its credibility and attract attention. This article explores the role of these non-state actors as potential social media influencers in cultural diplomacy. Findings from a survey and focus group in the International Youth Ambassador Exchange Programme indicate that YA s reject the role of social media influencers. YA s view social media as inadequate for trust building and credibility compared with interpersonal interactions. While some YA s see social media as a cross-cultural bridge, others view it as contentious, particularly around Taiwan’s political status. To avoid controversy, YA s focus on positive image building and cultural promotion. Ultimately, some of their efforts aim to enhance Taiwan’s global awareness and cultivate collective pride among Taiwanese youth. This case contributes to understanding the digital role and experience of non-state diplomatic actors from state-affiliated cultural diplomacy programmes.

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Willoughby Fortunoff, Cheryl Martens, and Jenny Albarracín Méndez

Abstract

In an era of escalating urbanisation and global migration, this research investigates the potential of sister city relationships in forging long-term and community-driven international ties. Are these city-to-city agreements outdated, or do they still offer contemporary benefits? The study is grounded in eight months of field research on relationships between US cities and the Ecuadorian cities of Cuenca and Quito during Ecuador’s 2024 state of emergency. A sequential mixed-methods approach includes semi-structured interviews with cultural, diplomatic and economic stakeholders, and quantitative survey data, to identify broader trends in perceptions of sister city relations. Ethnographic observations in municipal offices in Cuenca and Quito anchor the research in practical governance challenges. The study contributes to international relations and paradiplomacy discourse by proposing an interdisciplinary theoretical framework that blends ideas of social power, kinship and peripheral realism to analyse sister city partnerships as tools of agency and identity in the context of global diplomacy and displacement.

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Tamás Peragovics

Book reviewed:

• David Lindsey, Delegated Diplomacy: How Ambassadors Establish Trust in International Relations (New York: Columbia University Press, 2023). Pp. viii+367. £30.00 (Paperback). isbn: 978-0-23-120933-5.

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Galo Garcés Avalos

Book reviewed:

• Alejandro Mario Dieguez, ed., Argentina ‘tierra de promisión’: Gli archivi delle nunziature di Giuseppe Fietta (1937-1953) e Mario Zanin (1953-1958). Collectanea Archivi Vaticani 125 (Vatican City: Archivio Apostolico Vaticano, 2024). 2 vols. Pp. C+836+tab. xxiv. €75.00 (Paperback). isbn: 978-8-89-863827-7.

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Draga Gajić

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Muneera Bano, Zahid Hafeez Chaudhri, and Didar Zowghi

Abstract

This study examines how artificial intelligence (AI) has been discussed in the context of diplomacy in the 21st century, highlighting the emerging challenges and opportunities identified in academic literature. While recent developments such as OpenAI’s ChatGPT and other generative AI (GenAI) tools have revolutionised various sectors, their specific applications to diplomacy remain underexplored. This research maps the scholarly landscape by systematically reviewing 231 academic articles on AI and diplomacy, identifying key themes, topics and geographical focuses in the literature. The insights from this review are analysed to explore potential future directions for AI, including GenAI, in diplomacy, offering insights from the academic discourse and identifying gaps for future research.

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Miia Huttunen

Abstract

This article explores the use of persuasion in the case of the People’s Republic of China’s listing of documents surrounding the Nanjing Massacre into UNESCO’s Memory of the World register. Through the application of Kenneth Burke’s rhetorical framework, it conceptualises the case as an instance of division and identification in multilateral diplomacy and positions it as a continuation of the debates over history, memory and legitimacy between China and Japan. It analyses the listing with a focus on the rhetorical instrumentalisation of moralistic oppositional archetypes to justify particular interpretations of history and shape understandings of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations in the present. While the listing retells the standard narrative of the legacy of the Nanjing Massacre in the bilateral context, it also displays an exemplary diplomatic manoeuvre in its uncanny mobilisation of rhetorical strategies devised to berate the opposing party and advance China’s order-shaping aspirations.

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Fritz Nganje

Abstract

In this article, I use the case of cross-border co-operation between South African subnational governments and the Kingdom of Lesotho to show how paradiplomacy can fulfil an external sovereign state-building function. The role of economic development and effective border management in inspiring and determining subnational cross-border activities on this borderline should not be underestimated. However, a closer examination suggests that paradiplomacy in these borderlands cannot be understood outside the framework of Lesotho’s precarious and highly dependent statehood. Drawing mainly on key informant interviews with officials and other stakeholders, I argue that cross-border paradiplomacy in this context should be seen as more than just a housekeeping or region-building imperative. Consistent with the social contract model of state-building, cross-border co-operation between Lesotho and neighbouring South African subnational governments can be interpreted as a legitimacy-boosting strategy that affords the beleaguered state external avenues to provide for the socio-economic needs of its citizens.

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Sam Taveirne

Abstract

Local governments cooperate on climate action through transnational city networks. Some authors claim these may provide an alternative to interstate cooperation gridlock, but whether networks can effectively overcome gridlock remains unclear. Therefore, this article examines whether diverging self-interests, interurban competition, geopolitical tensions and political evolutions within municipalities impede intercity cooperation similar to interstate cooperation. To this end, I conducted 37 interviews with network and local government employees within six climate-related networks. Based on a directed content analysis, I find that conflict within city networks is limited. However, this is partly related to these networks often uniting like-minded local leaders and imposing limited obligations. Moreover, a lack of political support or interest can significantly impact cities’ engagement. I conclude that although city networks appear to overcome some interstate cooperation problems, this is partly due to conditions that potentially decrease networks’ impact. Moreover, the data show that cities’ commitment is not guaranteed.

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Agata Rydzewska

Abstract

This study addresses a research gap by integrating a gender perspective into the examination of paradiplomacy. It explores how women are positioned in paradiplomacy and investigates how factors from diplomacy studies impact elected and appointed positions that shape the external actions of sub-state actors. Data collected from paradiplomatic bodies in seventeen Spanish Autonomous Communities reveals a gender composition trend, with men occupying higher-ranking paradiplomatic roles and women more prevalent in less influential positions. Feminist institutionalism is employed to understand gender representation factors and reveal the influence of electoral systems and party ideology. The analysis suggests that men are favoured in challenging positions and prosperous countries, reinforcing gendered assumptions. The study underscores the importance of recognising that all the institutions are gendered and provides insights for further research on gendered institutions in sub-state diplomacy. Despite the limited sample size, the study sheds light on evolving gender patterns within paradiplomacy.

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Peter van der Knaap

Abstract

How countries engage diplomatically with the rest of the world is at the heart of the work of ministries of foreign affairs (MFA s). In recent years, IOB – the Independent Evaluation Directorate of the Netherlands MFA – has conducted many evaluations that have addressed the country’s diplomatic engagement. These studies have yielded significant findings on what makes diplomatic engagement successful. This practitioner’s essay, with characteristics of a ‘positive evaluation’, provides an overview based on a review of recent IOB evaluations, a special case study and background interviews. The conclusion is that diplomatic success can be explained through a combination of seven factors: mission, capacity, commitment, teamwork, networking, timing and reputation.

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Alberto Lioy and Andrea Kaplanová

Books discussed:

• Romer Cornejo, La política cultural de China en América Latina (Mexico City: El Colegio de Mexico ac, 2018). Pp. 231. M$180 (Paperback). isbn: 9786076282533.
• Adrian H. Hearn, Diaspora and Trust (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2016). Pp. 288. $34.95 (Paperback). isbn: 9780822360735. $ 139.95 (Hardback). isbn: 9780822360575.
• Thierry Kellner and Sophie Wintgens, China–Latin America and the Caribbean: Assessment and Outlook (Abingdon: Routledge, 2021). Pp. 248. £ 28.79 (Paperback). isbn: 9780367770341. £108.00 (Hardback). isbn: 9781003037934. £ 32.39 (eBook). isbn: 9783110416930.

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Abhinand Siddharth Srinivas

Book reviewed:

• Rejaul Karim Laskar, ed., Forging New Partnerships, Breaching New Frontiers: India’s Diplomacy during the UPA Rule 2004–2014 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2023). Pp. xxii+438. $130 (Hardback and eBook). isbn: 978-0-19 -286806-0 (Hardback). isbn: 978-0-19-196012-3 (eBook).

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Muhamet Brajshori

Book reviewed:

• Gëzim Visoka, The Derecognition of States (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2024). Pp. 376. $34.95 (Paperback). isbn: 978-0-47-205709-2.

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Vineet Thakur, Pavan Kumar, and Kalathmika Natarajan

Abstract

What does caste have to do with diplomacy? This special issue is an effort to guide discussions more systematically in thinking through the relationship between caste and diplomacy and, more specifically, Indian diplomacy. Accordingly, this introductory article lays out the reasons for interrogating Indian diplomacy through the prism of caste and reveals the ways in which diplomacy as a site has remained an exclusively upper caste space. In an effort towards de-sacralizing diplomacy, we look towards Begumpura, a utopia that provides space for an alternative tradition of ‘anti-diplomacy’.

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Medha and Kalathmika Natarajan

Abstract

The term ‘pariah’ is a staple in the vocabulary of International Relations (IR), for example in phrases such as ‘pariah state’, ‘pariah diplomacy’ and ‘nuclear pariah’. In revealing anxieties about ‘pariah-hood’, it is also commonplace in Indian imaginations of international status and ‘rising power’. Yet such discourse has paid little attention to the caste origins and traumatic histories of the term or indeed what its continued circulation and ‘casual’ usage tells us about IR and Indian diplomacy. Through a close reading of the (mis)uses of the term ‘pariah’, we foreground the entangled, mutually constituted and foundational role of colonial and caste-coded hegemonic discourses in IR. We argue that IR usages are not so much an out-of-context utilisation of the term ‘pariah’ as they are invocations of a caste-like hierarchy in the international order. In so doing, the article highlights the centrality of caste to Indian diplomatic history and the discipline of IR itself.

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Ankit Kawade

Abstract

This paper attempts to outline some theoretical motifs from B.R. Ambedkar’s political thought for the purposes of throwing some critical light on the broader framework of methodological nationalism that defines colonial and postcolonial Indian diplomacy. It examines Ambedkar’s comparative analysis of caste and race, his engagement with anti-racist movements and thought, and his non-national internationalism and diplomacy. It argues that Ambedkar’s political thought challenges traditional diplomatic frameworks by underlining how the Indian nation-state’s diplomatic concerns are historically inflected by the ideology of Brahmanism. A critical focus derived from Ambedkar’s political thought provides for a crucial – if not foundational – theoretical framework for interrogating the category of Brahmanism or casteism as inflecting the international engagements of India’s diplomatic elites.

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Sankaran Krishna

Abstract

Through the life and times of Mani Shankar Aiyar (b. 1941), this article shows the centrality of caste in the conduct of Indian diplomacy and the ways in which a commitment to an anaemic secularism diverts our attention from such casteism. Aiyar exemplifies the schizoid character of an Indian diplomatic class wherein a rhetorical commitment to egalitarianism, secularism and anti-racism is often accompanied by casteist elitism and disdain for those regarded as less meritorious and cultured than oneself. Diplomatic practice, facility in English and allegiance to a narrow definition of secularism are critical components in the production and sustenance of inequality, distinction and status within India. By focusing on Aiyar’s memoirs, public pronouncements and political life, this study critically engages the study of diplomacy and international relations in post-independence India.

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Ladhu Ram Choudhary

Abstract

This article shows the intersections of caste with Indian diplomacy through the biography of Kocheril Raman Narayanan. An early recruit to the Indian Foreign Service, Narayanan held ambassadorial positions in China and the United States. Afterwards, he transitioned to a political career, serving as a parliamentarian, minister, vice president and president of India. The article discusses Narayanan’s struggles within the foreign service to engineer a space for himself and his ideas. A range of archival sources are used to unearth how Narayanan’s caste identity was invoked to undermine his merit, professional competencies and constitutional roles. Accordingly, the article explores his diplomatic style, roles and vision. This exploration is significant to understand not only the everyday obstacles that a diplomat from ‘low social origin’ encounters within the Indian diplomatic corps, but also how Narayanan expands the horizons of diplomatic practices – by prioritising ‘everyday diplomacy’ to mainstream multiple marginalities and bridge binaries.

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Sruthi Muraleedharan

Abstract

The controversial statue of Gandhi which was at the epicentre of the #GandhiMustFall (GMF) campaign was ‘gifted’ to the University of Ghana as part of India’s long-standing diplomatic practice. The campaign led to the removal of Gandhi’s statue from the campus and demanded that they would prefer a statue of Ambedkar’s instead. Taking this diplomatic rupture as the point of departure, this article analyses the post-colonial gifting practices adopted by India. Do India’s diplomatic gifting practices warrant scrutiny of the overlap between the nationalist and Brahmanical lenses determining ‘choices’ of diplomatic gifts? The article explores the moment of gift refusal in India’s diplomatic partnership with Ghana to draw upon the transnational relatedness and disordering of graded hierarchies. It argues that the contention around the gifted Gandhi statue provides an opportunity to unpack gift refusal as a significant diplomatic practice from below, instantiating Afro-Dalit solidarities that go beyond nation states.

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Narendra Kumar

Abstract

This article offers an intervention into the field of diplomacy studies by foregrounding the figure of Kanshi Ram as a political thinker and organiser, and as a practitioner of what may be theorised as counter-diplomacy. While the dominant scholarship on diplomacy remains fixated on elite actors and state-centric interactions, this work disrupts such paradigms by locating political agency among subaltern publics and historically oppressed communities. It interrogates how Kanshi Ram’s political praxis, rooted in caste resistance and Ambedkarite thought, sought to forge a transnational Bahujan consciousness. Kanshi Ram’s organisational and ideological interventions through DS4, BAMCEF, BSP and Buddhist Research Centre advanced a form of counter-diplomacy that challenged caste hierarchy and caste erasure in global discourse. This article examines Kanshi Ram’s international advocacy to propose a critical framework that reimagines justice and global belonging beyond state-centric diplomacy, foregrounding oppressed communities as legitimate actors in global politics.

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Kamna Tiwary and Rama Devi

Abstract

The caste system represents a complex structure of social stratification which is perceived as a cultural feature unique to India. The people placed at the bottom of the system are considered impure and traditionally were assigned to perform the demeaning work for the superior castes. The Indian constitution adopted affirmative action guaranteeing proportional representation in different spheres, including public services, to remedy historical disadvantages endured by the lowest castes. The nature of Dalit representation in the bureaucracy indicates that the policy does not guarantee the annihilation of caste and casteism after recruitment into the public services. Drawing on Indian government data on foreign services and the arguments advanced by parliamentarians on the nature of Scheduled Caste representation in the services, this article aims to unravel the (dis)appearance of caste in foreign services, which is mediated through the putative logic of ‘merit’, ‘competence’ and ‘national interest’.

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Gajendran Ayyathurai

Abstract

This article is an examination of the intellectual history of Indian diplomacy. That is, how colonial and postcolonial Indian international relations and diplomacy have been structured by the self-privileging-caste groups, such as brahmins, as the heir apparent diplomats of the British-brahmin raj and the brahmin-male claims and codifications, brahminical institutions and practices, as the transnational culture, religion and history of the Indian diaspora. Informal and personal international interventions of self-privileging-caste Indians have fostered brahmincentric religio-cultural privileges, institutions and networks overseas. Therefore, such efforts have propagandised transnational brahminism via Indian international relations and diplomacy. Engaging Critical Caste Studies, this article theoretically elucidates on and contributes to revamping Indian diplomacy. Furthermore, it is by incorporating raceless and casteless philosophies and practices that the seeding for debrahminising diplomacy emerges.

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Priya Chacko and Vineet Thakur

Abstract

This article analyses Indian diplomacy at the 2023 G20 Summit, which India hosted. It uses a Critical Caste Studies approach to foreground the role of caste in Indian diplomacy, focussing on four prominent discursive tropes at the Summit – the naming of India as Bharat, the promotion of a ‘Sabka Sath, Sabka Vikas, Sabka Vishwas, Sabka Praya’ associated with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s philosophy of Integral Humanism, the philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbatakam (the world is a family/the world is home) and the portrayal of India as the Mother of Democracy. By analysing these tropes, we argue that Indian diplomacy at the G20 Summit constituted civilisation-washing: the external projection of an apolitical and antipolitical civilisational transcendence to obfuscate and naturalise an upper-caste Hindu supremacism. We suggest that civilisation-washing serves a tool of illiberal authoritarianism, justifying the undermining of accountability and individual rights in the name of cultural authenticity and moral superiority.

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Laura Gil-Besada

Abstract

This article examines the parliamentary diplomacy of Luxembourg’s Chamber of Deputies in relation to the Russia–Ukraine conflict over the period 2013 to 2023, addressing its objectives, means and patterns of agency. Employing a qualitative, multi-method design – including parliamentary archives, media content, and seven interviews with Luxembourgish parliamentarians and parliamentary staff – it identifies three primary means that were employed: session and committee proceedings, direct parliamentary diplomacy and public engagement. The Chamber’s core objectives were to support Ukraine, condemn Russia’s aggression and advocate for Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. The study finds that, despite structural constraints, the Chamber transitioned from a reactive, executive-supportive stance pre-2022 to a more proactive role post-2022, including actions that anticipated, exceeded or diverged from government policy. Unanimity or near-unanimity prevailed throughout. The findings challenge assumptions that small-state parliamentary diplomacy is inherently passive, predominantly multilateral, internally divided or subordinate to the executive, contributing to debates on small-state foreign policy, parliamentary diplomacy and conflict studies.

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Wilhelm Vosse and Michael Dizon

Abstract

Building on ‘normative power’ and ‘norm diffusion’ theory, this article examines how the European Union has been evolving as a cyber diplomatic actor in the Indo-Pacific. It argues that EU influence in the region extends beyond traditional economic and political engagement, manifesting most clearly in the promotion of cybercrime legislation, cyber capacity-building, data privacy and cybersecurity governance. Through a comparative analysis of EU co-operation with Japan, South Korea, Singapore, the Philippines, New Zealand and ASEAN, it demonstrates how the EU’s regulatory power and diplomatic initiatives shape the regional digital order. While the EU’s approach is often perceived as technocratic and less politicised than that of other major powers, its effectiveness is mediated by local contexts and the broader geopolitical environment. The findings suggest that, despite structural and cultural obstacles, the EU’s norm diffusion strategy has achieved notable success in embedding European standards and practices in the Indo-Pacific’s cyber governance landscape.

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Joachim A. Koops, Wilhelm Vosse, Joe Burton, and George Christou

Abstract

Even though cyber diplomacy as a field emerged only during the late 1990s, it has rapidly captured the attention, energies and focus of diplomats and policymakers with a wide range of national, regional and global initiatives that aim to respond to and catch up with technological threats and risks related to cyberspace. States seek both to advance their national interests and security through unilateral, bilateral or regional diplomatic engagement and to shape rules, norms and conventions at the global level. At the same time, cyber diplomacy occurs in a space where corporate and non-state actors often dominate the agenda and the development of capabilities.

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Nicolò Fasola, Sonia Lucarelli, and Francesco Niccolò Moro

Abstract

Russia has long been considered an effective actor in the cyber domain. Following its full-scale invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, concerns grew over a surge in cyber-attacks to aid its military and pressure Europe. While Ukraine showed unexpected cyber resilience and the immediate military-operational impact was limited, Russia’s cyber campaign evolved, intensifying cyber operations on the European Union (EU) and its member states for broader politico-strategic objectives. In response, the EU and European countries swiftly enhanced support for Ukraine and bolstered collective cyber defences. The EU’s cyber diplomacy proved a crucial catalyst, activating pre-existing tools, coordinating responses from private actors and accelerating the upgrade of its strategic and legislative frameworks on cyber security. These multi-faceted efforts, building on pre-war initiatives, have provided a rapid yet durable response to the conflict, significantly strengthening the long-term resilience of European societies and institutions in the face of Russia’s persistent cyber interferences.

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Patryk Pawlak

Abstract

This article examines how the European Union (EU) has developed its cyber diplomacy through adaptive learning in response to various types of crisis. Based on a decade of direct involvement in EU cyber policy (2013–2024), it identifies three learning mechanisms: inferential learning from slow-burning threats, contingent learning from fast-burning crises such as the war in Ukraine and ‘failing forward’ through multilateral processes such as at the United Nations. The article argues that the EU’s cyber diplomacy has matured through incremental institutional, policy and operational changes, despite ongoing challenges including fragmented governance and limited political leadership. By analysing the evolution of tools such as the Cyber Diplomacy Toolbox and efforts in cyber capacity building and military–cyber co-operation, the article shows how crisis-driven learning has shaped the EU’s global role in cyberspace. It concludes that further progress will require stronger internal co-ordination and high-level political engagement to sustain the EU’s influence in global cyber governance.

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Simge Erdogan-O’Connor

Book reviewed:

• Sarah E.K. Smith, Trading on Art: Cultural Diplomacy and Free Trade in North America. (Vancouver: ubc Press, 2025). Pp. xii+244. $ 34.95 (Paperback). isbn: 978-0-7748-6957-5.

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