Volume 8 (2013)
Issue 1Issue 1 at Brill.com
This article invites diplomatic scholars to a debate about the identity of diplomacy as a field of study and the contributions that it can make to our understanding of world politics relative to international relations theory (IR) or foreign policy analysis (FPA). To this end, the article argues that the study of diplomacy as a method of building and managing relationships of enmity and friendship in world politics can most successfully firm up the identity of the discipline. More specifically, diplomacy offers a specialized form of knowledge for understanding how to draw distinctions between potential allies versus rivals, and how to make and unmake relationships of enmity and friendship in world politics.
This article looks into the formal and informal facets of inter-state deliberation and negotiation among the 27 member states of the European Union. Its aim is twofold: on one hand to capture and consolidate the view of the ‘Brussels’ inter-state negotiation routine; on the other, to anticipate the evolution of the negotiation modes among member states in their daily collective decision-making. The article reviews some of the essential trends and occurrences that feature the multilateral processes of negotiation in the Council of the EU. With the support of negotiation literature, it derives from these trends a few patterns to help predict whether the culture of negotiation among the 27 member states will be positively impacted or impinged by the latest EU Treaty, which was signed in Lisbon in December 2007. The article frames and qualifies the EU culture of negotiation, while also offering a predictive lens on the future practice of negotiations among member states, which is absent from the traditional theoretical perspectives.
In late 2011 and early 2012, the People’s Republic of China drew on its most unique diplomatic tool: the giant panda. Although this phenomenon is widely covered by the global media, the practice of panda diplomacy is only barely discussed in diplomatic or international relations studies. This article uses the most recent revival of this diplomatic practice for a closer analysis and locates it as a special version of animal diplomacy within the frame of public diplomacy. It first argues that panda diplomacy is — besides all the efforts to promote and support animal conservation and biological research — a political undertaking, which is symbolically used by the Chinese government to win hearts and minds in selected foreign countries. Second, it highlights an important aspect of some Chinese public diplomacy initiatives, namely China’s ability to integrate international partners in its attempts to shape its global image.
Christos A. Frangonikolopoulos
- Peter Willetts, Non-Governmental Organizations in World Politics: The Construction of Global Governance. London and New York: Routledge, Series on Global Institutions, 2011.
- Jacob Bercovitch, Theory and Practice of International Mediation. London: Routledge, 2011.
- Kyle Beardsley, The Mediation Dilemma. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011.
Article available at Brill.com
- Jeremy Black, A History of Diplomacy. London: Reaktion Books, 2010.
Publication date: 1 January 2013
Issue 2Issue 2 at Brill.com
Diplomacy makes extensive use of symbols, rituals and ceremonies. This practice is related to the nature of the state and diplomatic representation: (a) states and their intentions can be objectified through symbols, symbolic actions and interactions; and (b) diplomatic agencies and agents symbolically represent the state. Symbolism in diplomacy helps people to capture the meaning of international affairs and socially and individually to experience states and inter-state relations. Symbols, rituals and ceremonies in diplomacy are designed to create a shared sense and also to motivate and regulate the moods of groups and individuals who directly or indirectly participate in or observe diplomatic practice. Linguistics, imagery and ritualistic/ceremonial formats of symbolism exist in diplomatic practice. Each can have communicative, regulative and affective functions. Symbolism is meaningful and instrumental in making sense of states and international politics and in managing and regulating inter-state relations. However, diplomatic symbolism can also be used formally and manipulatively.
Arjan D. Uilenreef
Embassies of the Netherlands within the European Union operate in another political and diplomatic environment than Dutch embassies in other parts of the world. There is a lack of comprehensive studies on the change dynamics of bilateral diplomacy within the EU. This article aims to contribute to the study of intra-EU diplomacy by looking at one of the key tasks of embassies abroad, namely reporting back to the capital. An analysis of the addressees, the type of reporting, and the interlocutors of embassy staff across Europe, reveals characteristics of the work of representations in a ‘post-Westphalian’ order. The results show that the diplomatic environment of Dutch bilateral embassies within the European Union does in several important ways indeed differ from that of Dutch embassies outside the Union.
This article explores the contemporary organization and functions of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) and the ways in which it responds to the transforming world politics. In contemporary foreign policy management discourse, the study of the foreign ministry — its organization, role, functions and position within national foreign policy and diplomatic systems — constitutes a central theme. This is because patterns of change within its structure, processes and operation can provide significant evidence regarding the state’s responses to systemic change, as well as its fundamental assumptions about world politics. There is no uniformity of opinion in the literature regarding foreign ministries’ responses to the changing policy milieus. On the one hand there are observations and arguments that view the foreign ministry as adaptive and retaining its centrality in national foreign policy systems, while on the other hand there are suggestions that the transforming world politics have diminished its significance, leading to its decline. Evidence gathered through a series of interviews with Greek diplomats indicates no discernible trend towards a decline of the Greek MFA. The data rather demonstrate that this Greek diplomatic institution, similar to other European foreign ministries, is in a process of adapt-ing to its contemporary operational environment, but that this process is slow because of its organizational culture.
The concept of ‘culinary diplomacy’ is defined as the use of food and cuisine as an instrument to create cross-cultural understanding in the hopes of improving interactions and cooperation. Its origins are rooted in ancient history, while a modernized version emerged alongside French diplomatic tradition in the early nineteenth century, beginning with the iconic French chef Antonin Carême. The theory underlying the concept is multifaceted, with foundations in the schools of public and cultural diplomacy, non-verbal communication, nation-branding, and in the conflict resolution theory of the contact hypothesis. Culinary diplomacy campaigns worldwide have been undertaken, from the national governmental promotions of multiple South-East Asian countries, to the White House’s outreach to promote healthy eating, to grassroots efforts by cooks to reduce violent conflict. The summit of culinary diplomacy is the Club des Chefs des Chefs, a group of the chefs of heads of state, whose goal it is to unite people with a good meal. There is work to be done in the field, but there are big potential gains, up to and including world peace.
- Diana Digol, Emerging Diplomatic Elites in Post-Communist Europe: Analysis of Diplomats. Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, 2010.
- Philip Seib, Real-Time Diplomacy: Politics and Power in the Social Media Era. New York: Palgrave-Macmillan, 2012.
John Mearsheimer, Why Leaders Lie: The Truth about Lying in International Politics. London: Duckworth Overlook, 2012.
Publication date: 1 January 2013
Issue 3-4: Sports Diplomacy
Special issue edited by Stuart MurrayIssue 3-4 at Brill.com
Andreia Soares e Castro
This article begins by recognizing the importance of sport in South African history, before turning to South Africa’s vision and strategy, as articulated around and beyond the successful hosting of mega-events, particularly the 2010 FIFA World Cup, the first World Cup to be held on the African continent. The article suggests that mega-events are an important stage and priority of a broader and longer-term strategy of enhancing South Africa’s soft power, prestige and visibility. In this context, sport and mega-events are important foreign policy tools and have greatly benefited South Africa, the African continent and the international relations system. Using South Africa as a case study, this article explores the concept of sports diplomacy — that is, the use of sports as an instrument for furthering foreign policy goals, causes or interests — and argues that it is a significant and a rising source of soft power.
Sport is a political and diplomatic arena where politics parodies sport and vice versa. When relations between two nations are poor, sport can be employed as a tool to heighten confrontation or, if relations start to improve, sport can also create and accelerate diplomatic momentum. In both cases, sport is politicized, but in the Chinese perspective only the latter instance can be considered as sports diplomacy. Sport itself is neither sufficient for diplomatic breakthrough, nor sufficient for diplomatic breakdown. The increasing importance of sports diplomacy also validates the transformation of traditional to new diplomacy.
Julie M. Bunck
For many years an important segment of Cuba’s public diplomacy has focused on Cuban sports. The Cuban regime politicized sports policies and athletic triumphs and attempted to use them to enhance its international influence. This, in turn, reflected a key dimension of the Cuban revolution: the effort to alter pre-revolutionary culture by creating a ‘new man’. Mass participation in sports and the victories of elite athletes alike showed Cuban socialism in action. During the post-Cold War era, however, replete with difficulties for Marxist regimes, budget cuts, leadership changes, reordered priorities and the reintroduction of capitalism have adversely affected Cuban sports. Cubans today lack the access to first-rate facilities that they once enjoyed. Many athletes have defected, while the skills of trainers and coaches have been sold abroad. These developments have threatened Cuba’s revolutionary sports culture and undermined the effectiveness of its sports diplomacy. The Cuban example suggests that the efficacy of sports diplomacy is related not only to the quality of athletic performances but to the manner in which underlying cultural norms either support or detract from diplomatic endeavours.
This article explores the interplay of sport, politics and public diplomacy through a case study of the first ‘Indian’ cricket tour of Great Britain in 1911, an extraordinary venture peopled by an improbable cast of characters. Led by the young Maharaja Bhupindar Singh, the newly enthroned ruler of the princely state of Patiala, the team contained in its ranks cricketers who were drawn from different Indian regions and religious communities. The article examines the politics of this intriguing cricket tour against a wider backdrop of changing Indo-British relations and makes three key points. First, it suggests that the processes of ‘imperial globalization’ that were presided over by the British in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries marked an important epoch in the evolving relationship between sport and diplomacy. In particular, it highlights the role of sporting tours as instruments of public diplomacy in the age of empire. Second, it shows how the organization of the 1911 tour reflected the workings of a trans-national ‘imperial class regime’ that had developed around cricket in colonial India from the late nineteenth century onwards. Finally, the article considers the symbolic significance that came to be attached to the tour, both in imperial Britain and in colonial India.
Drawing on the case of the Olympics, and in particular on the role of London in securing, planning and administering the 2012 Summer Games, this article investigates how cities participate in world politics beyond the traditional avenues of the international system. Tracing how the planning of a sporting mega-event has been woven into London’s international role as a global ‘green’ leader, the article seeks to shed some light on the diplomatic role of cities, as well as on how sport has been used in relation to city diplomacy and urban governance. The Olympics offer a unique window on the multi-scalar reach of these subnational authorities, allowing for substantial public diplomacy initiatives. Major cities such as London, as the article argues, can exert a pervasive diplomatic influence, and planning for sporting events can extend their capacity to link ‘city diplomacy’ with tangible impacts on everyday lives.
The FIFA World Cup and the Summer Olympics are the most prestigious major sporting events in the world, and host governments implement security measures to match this stature. While global concerns about terrorism have led to a dramatic upsurge in the extent of security measures, the perceived threat of urban crime is becoming an increasingly prominent cause for apprehension. This has been of particular importance to South Africa’s recent 2010 World Cup and for the unprecedented sequential hosting of both the 2014 World Cup and the 2016 Olympics in Brazil. In both contexts, security has been used as a statement of intent: the respective states have instrumentalized mega-events as an international platform to signal their ability to secure urban environments. This article will focus on a comparative study of areas in which the respective security preparations for the World Cup in Brazil have overlapped with the measures deployed in South Africa. Using examples of how Brazilian authorities have sought advice from their South Africa counterparts, it will suggest that both countries have adopted comparable risk aversion strategies.
This article examines the place of sports and football in European society and the complex interaction of the sports field and the football sub-field, which has its own codes of behaviour, its own institutional governance, its own ethics, its own judicial culture and its own language. Charting the history of European football and the Union of European Football Associations (UEFA), the author argues that unless one understands how the football habitus interact with the rest of European society, it is difficult to examine the role of sports and, in particular, football in international relations and diplomacy.
Manuel M. Dayrit
- Ellen Rosskam and Ilona Kickbusch (eds.), Negotiating and Navigating Global Health: Case Studies in Global Health Diplomacy. Hackensack, NJ: World Scientific, 2012.
- Ian Bremmer, Every Nation for Itself: Winners and Losers in a G-Zero World. New York: Portfolio/Penguin, 2012.
- Mai'a K. Davis Cross, Security Integration in Europe: How Knowledge-based Networks are Transforming the European Union. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2011.
Publication date: 1 January 2013